Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics. Show all posts

Wednesday, 8 October 2014

President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Speech during the Special Sitting of Parliament, Parliament Buildings, Nairobi



SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY HON. UHURU KENYATTA, C.G.H.,PRESIDENT AND COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE DEFENCE FORCES OF THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA DURING THE SPECIAL SITTING  OF PARLIAMENT, PARLIAMENT BUILDINGS, NAIROBI, 6th OCTOBER, 2014

The Speaker of the National Assembly, 
 The Speaker of the Senate,
Honorable Members of both Houses of Parliament,

Fellow Kenyans,
Article 132 of the constitution provides for the President of the republic of Kenya to address a special sitting of Parliament at any one time. Under the first article of the constitution, “all sovereign power belongs to the people of Kenya”
In this respect, I am here to address you as representatives of the people on an important national matter regarding our sovereignty.

Last Tuesday, as I touched down at Jomo Kenyatta international Airport on my return from the E9th session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, i received notice to attend a status conference at The Hague
Since then, the notice and its implied consequences for our sovereignty have raised confusion and anxiety. These concerns extend to our immediate region, and other friends of Kenya.

My Fellow Kenyans,
This is not a time for anxiety. It is a time to be proud of the democracy we have built, and the law-abiding country we have become. it is also a time to deliberate together, as members of the Executive, the Legislature, the Judiciary, and indeed as citizens, on how to collectively realize the great destiny that beckons.

Nurturing a young democracy in a treacherous world of despotism, terrorism and extremism was never going to be easy. Neither was the building of a strong and diverse economy that could realize the dreams of more than forty million Kenyans, and anchor a prosperous region.

Indeed, our quest for greater development demands a clearer picture of the true state of our economy. While we have much further to go, our nation reached a significant milestone last week. We officially became a middle-income country, and took our rightful place as one of the ten largest economies in Africa. This milestone, among many others we have achieved over the past fifty years, reminds us that we are travelling in the right direction. It should be celebrated, for it gives us the fortitude to sustain our development efforts.

In New York, i addressed the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, giving a full account of our role in regional peace and security, our stand on the front lines of building robust democracies, of fighting global terrorism, of dealing with the threat of climate change, and of building strong institutions that can weather crises such as Ebola in parts of West Africa.

I saw at the General Assembly the high esteem in which Kenya is held across the world, for its leadership in matters of development, in the struggle for global peace and security, as a safe haven for millions of refugees from neighbouring countries, and as a stable hub for regional trade and investment.

The world sees and applauds, as we do, our young men and women in uniform, who, under my command, are bravely fighting Al-Shabaab.s terrorists at home and abroad. Our diplomats are crucial actors in a troubled region, working to end the conflicts, and fill the vacuums in governance, that allow such terrorist groups room to operate.

The world knows that as a democracy on the frontier against terrorism, our people have been brutally murdered by the same terrorist networks that have sparked mayhem worldwide.
We face these trials with fortitude, knowing that our work to banish insecurity, poverty, and division is our generation.s historic task. It is how our children.s children will remember us.

By our effort and vision, new roads and railways, schools and hospitals, are being built, bringing with them jobs, wealth and new friends from all over the world. My Government daily improves service provision to its citizens. The world.s businesses look to our educated and industrious people as amongst the most promising to invest their wealth in.

All these developments are anchored in the rule of law, which is a living expression of our collective will. Even at our lowest ebb, in our darkest days, the aspiration to be bound and protected by the law has shaped our character as a people and a nation.

After more than two decades of consultations, and sometimes ugly confrontation, we made history. In peace time, we negotiated a new constitution and re-organized our entire society and its governance structures. Today, we have a constitution that we are immensely proud of.
There are few others globally that equal its protection of the rights of the individual, its balancing of executive, judicial and legislative power, and its demand for fulsome public participation and integrity in service.

In the last year alone, we have transitioned from a unicameral to a bicameral legislature; from a parliamentary to a presidential system of government. We have moved in unprecedented fashion from a centralized system of government where the winner takes all, to a devolved system, which gives power to the people to choose their leaders, and to choose how they will be governed at the local level. And we have established an independent judiciary, and oversight bodies able to stand up for the public interest.

We strive to fully realize this new constitution, even in the face of the global threat of terrorism whose perpetrators and agents manipulate our expanded democratic space to radicalize and recruit their foot soldiers.

Internationally, our diplomacy has been driven by the desire for a level playing field, on which all nations and their peoples are equal in respect of their sovereignty. This is why Kenya played a crucial leadership role in the negotiations that led to the creation of the ICC through the Rome Statute, as well as in mobilizing African states to sign up to it.

Given our experience with the Court, many have since asked why we acted with such enthusiasm. It was because we believed then, as we do now, that in an unequal world, only a common set of rules governing international conduct could keep anarchy at bay.

My Fellow Kenyans,
After the brief but painful conflict that followed the 2007 election, communities and their leaders, at the grassroots, undertook immense efforts at reconciliation. Thousands of meetings were convened; Kenyans across the country deliberated together on what had brought discord to our nation, and what we needed to do to heal.

Five years later, the Deputy President, William Ruto, and I went to every corner of our country asking you for the honour of your vote. Our electoral ticket was forged from a national desire for peace, reconciliation, and national cohesion.

When I took up the mantle of leadership in April 2013, I focused attention on the rehabilitation and restoration of Kenyans affected by the 2007-8 post-election violence. My Government resettled all the remaining registered households that were still in camps.
This in addition to those previously resettled under the RudiNyumbani and integrated IDPs initiative where land was availed for resettlement, houses built, counselling offered, cash transfers made, and free medical attention in government facilities provided.

That was the least we could do to relieve their suffering, and ease the resumption of their normal lives. i am committed to ensuring that Kenyans never again have to endure such tribulations.

My Fellow Kenyans,
Four years ago, on the fifteenth day of December 2010, i watched in disbelief as i was named, with five others, as one of those suspected of bearing the greatest responsibility for the 2007-8 post-election violence.
This was the beginning of my long and arduous journey to defend my name in the face of these serious allegations. I wish to reiterate here for all that my conscience is clear, has been clear, and will remain forever clear that I am innocent of all the accusations that have been leveled against me.

After all this, the Prosecutor of the ICC has since last December, and as recently as last month, admitted to the judges that “the available evidence is insufficient to prove ... alleged criminal responsibility beyond reasonable doubt.”

This came as no surprise, a judge at the ICC had previously found the “prosecution failed to properly investigate the case ... in accordance with its statutory obligations.”

When the prosecutor admitted that there was insufficient evidence against me, I expected that the matter would be dropped for lack of evidence. Instead, the prosecutor requested an indefinite postponement of the case and shifted the focus to the Government of Kenya to provide the evidence.
It was made clear that I was to be excluded from dealings between the prosecutor and the relevant organs of the Government of Kenya in this new focus. Accordingly, my legal representatives were excluded from this exercise.
In compliance with this order, I have not interfered with the protocol set by the prosecutor in her dealings with the government. This means that in this new line being followed, I was kept in suspense, while the prosecutor engaged with the relevant organs of the government.

Whenever the organs of the Government of Kenya required my consent in relation to these investigations, I gave that consent. I have cooperated with the prosecutor to assist in establishing the truth at all material times.
Unfortunately, unfounded and unproven accusations are the order of the day. My accusers, both domestic and foreign, have painted a nefarious image of most African leaders as embodiments of corruption and impunity. This image depends on an internalized assumption that social and political upheavals in Africa are inherently perverse, and the result of leadership failure, that always warrants a charge of crimes against Humanity.

Within the Assembly of State Parties, a number of members observed that the Rome Statute, which is ultimately derived from the equality of states as espoused in the U.N. Charter, is weakened by partiality.

The Africa of Nkrumah, Nyerere, Ben Bella, Nasser, Chief Albert Luthuli, and our founding father Jomo Kenyatta, raised concerns about the risks of undermining the sovereign equality of states. These concerns remain valid to this day.

The African Union, in its wisdom, resolved in October last year that “to safeguard the constitutional order, stability and, integrity of Member States, no charges shall be commenced or continued before any International Court or Tribunal against any serving AU Head of State or Government or anybody acting or entitled to act in such capacity during their term of office.”

It also resolved that my trial and that of Deputy President William Ruto, as the current serving leaders of the Republic of Kenya, should be suspended until we complete our terms of office.
As the single largest constituency in the Assembly of State Parties, and keeping in mind the gravity of their demand, African states expected positive consideration.
To this end, they sent five ministers to New York City to confer with the United Nations Security Council and seek a deferral of the Kenya situation in light of the dire challenges to peace and security on this continent that it is my duty to address. They were disappointed.

The push to defend sovereignty is not unique to Kenya or Africa. Recently, the prime minister of the United Kingdom committed to reasserting the sovereign primacy of his parliament over the decisions of the European Human Rights Court. He even threatened to quit the court.

I remain grateful for Africa’s support. Our century of struggle against domination and exploitation continues. Our independence and sovereignty deepen every passing year, as our prosperity grows and we stand firm together. Kenya will remain at the front of this common cause, which is both our opportunity as a nation and our obligation as a people. I am grateful for the support our brothers and sisters have lent Kenya. We stand with them as we look to our immensely promising future.

My Fellow Kenyans,
My Government has begun the implementation of our constitution with great favour and enthusiasm. We have focused on locating young Kenyans at the heart of economic growth as no other administration has done in our history, and indeed the fight against terror and insecurity remains high on our national agenda.
It should be clear, therefore, that this government has enough on its hands fighting poverty, securing the peace and building regional integration to be focused on any other matter. It is a government founded on the rule of law, with a profound conviction that justice is our shield and defender.

Mr. Speaker,

Fellow Kenyans,
I am deeply optimistic about the future of Kenya. We will succeed by putting the nation’s interests first and foremost. It is for this reason that I choose not to put the sovereignty of more than forty million Kenyans on trial, since their democratic will should never be subject to another jurisdiction.
Therefore, let it not be said that I am attending the Status conference as the President of the Republic of Kenya. Nothing in my position or my deeds as President warrants my being in court.
So, to all those who are concerned that my personal attendance of the Status Conference compromises the sovereignty of our people, or sets a precedent for the attendance of presidents before the court -be reassured, this is not the case.

To protect the sovereignty of the Republic of Kenya, I now take the extraordinary and unprecedented step of invoking Article 147(3) of the Constitution. I will shortly issue the legal instrument necessary to appoint Hon. William Ruto, the Deputy President, as Acting President while I attend the status conference at The Hague, in the Netherlands.

Finally, I urge my fellow citizens to accept and understand my decision. I also urge our African brothers and sisters to stand with Kenya, and all people of good will, and friends of Kenya, to stand with us in this difficult time.
Thank you and God bless you

Source
https://www.scribd.com/doc/2x2073129/President-Uhuru-Kenyatta-s-Speech-during-the-Special-Sitting-of-Parliament-Parliament-Buildings-Nairobi                  

Thursday, 25 September 2014

Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga's Speech at the CORD A.G.M -25th Sept 2014 STRONGER COUNTIES FOR EQUITABLE NATION:


Our constitution opens with five powerful words: We, the People of Kenya.
I get the feeling not all of us appreciate the importance of these words. We, the People of Kenya. These five words in the preamble identify who is responsible for promulgating and upholding the foundations of the Kenya Constitution 2010.
Our intent in giving ourselves the Constitution, is laid out in the remainder of the preamble thus:
ACKNOWLEDGING the supremacy of the Almighty God:
HONOURING those who heroically struggled to bring freedom and justice to our land:
RECOGNISING the aspirations of all Kenyans for a government based on the essential values of human rights, equality, freedom, democracy, social justice and the rule of law:
EXERCISING our sovereign and inalienable right to determine the form of governance of our country and having participated fully in the making of this Constitution...
ADOPT, ENACT and give this Constitution to ourselves and to our future generations.
In the past few months, we have gone around the country, we shall continue to go around the country, for the very reason we've gathered here today: to push to change our constitution in our capacity as the people of Kenya.
The constitution of Kenya 2010 allows for a referendum to amend it.
The constitution says the referendum can be through a parliamentary route or a popular initiative. We, the people, have chosen the route of popular initiative.
In providing for amendments, the constitution of Kenya 2010 does not label any such effort as an attempt to overthrow or to slow down the government or take over power through the back door.
We commit no crime in seeking to change the constitution.
This is not a contest between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga.
This is not a test of might or popularity between CORD and Jubilee.
Nor is it an attempt to revive or to end political careers.
It is not a battle for short term gains. We are in it for the long haul and for our country.
We are not in this because we love our government less. We are in this because we love Kenya more. And we are in it within the law for we believe in the rule of law.
So ladies and gentlemen, do not be afraid, do not feel guilty, and do not be apologetic over this journey. We, the people, are acting within the law, in the best interest of our country.
We expect the government to facilitate, not frustrate our efforts.
Many battles have been fought from this venue. At this very venue, Dr Crispin Odhiambo Mbai put the case like nobody ever did on why we need to devolve power and resources.
They vilified him. They trailed him. Eventually, they killed him. But devolution came to be.
And Kenya is a much better place today because of devolution.
In Kenya, you know you are into something big and something good when the establishment fights you viciously and gets personal. So when they vilify and stalk you, when they impute bad intentions on your part today and go all out to tarnish your standing,
it is because you have hit where it matters.
We are out to strengthen Devolution because we have seen what it can do what ails it. We have seen what County governments have done with so little money in such a short time.
I will give a few quick and random examples.
In MARSABIT, the National Government drilled only about 20 boreholes in the last 50 years.
The county government has drilled 20 boreholes in one year.
Livestock is the mainstay of Marsabit.
But for 50 years, the region never built a slaughter house. Today, after one year of Devolution, Marsabit is set to perform a ground breaking ceremony for a Modern Slaughter house.
In SIAYA, there were only 3 government tractors when the County government took over in 2013.
In one year, the County Government has bought 7 tractors and hired 30. Siaya harvested 3,300 bags of maize.
Within a year, the County government put 5,000 hectares under mechanization.
This year they expect 880,000 bags.
Kisii Hospital has never had a dialysis unit since it was built in 1917.
One year after devolution, a dialysis unit is being set up by the County government.
The mortuary capacity that never exceeded 20 is expanding into 100.
The hospital is now a teaching and referral facility and a 150 bed capacity ward is coming up.
MOMBASA County mobilized 27 cars within months of taking office for police to ensure security.
At no one time in 50 years did the county manage that number of vehicles.
Last month, we were treated to the Mombasa Cultural Festival. This is a routine culture among resort and tourism cities around the world to attract visitors.
The County of Mombasa has been let down on security by an incompetent and uncaring national government.
Mombasa is set to unveil the first water desalination plant by 2016.
In Wajir, they have launched the first tarmac road-25 kilometres--since independence.
Of course these county governments are not perfect.
But then, no one is. For months, we have been asking the national government to account for the Sh15 billion that was stolen from OP. No one is talking.
When counties are strong, we have an economy firing from all cylinders. That means jobs and opportunities for youth and good living for all.
That is why we are demanding that 45 per cent of National Revenue must go to the counties to enable them carry out functions that are commensurate with this allocation including Ward development.
We want an end to the deliberate confusion around the Provincial Administration.
The Constitution requires that it be restructured to fit into devolved system. The government is busy renaming and strengthening that system. We want state departments and parastatals whose functions were fully or partially devolved to release to the counties all the funds they are holding illegally in Nairobi.
Today, the National Government is holding up to KSH 120 billion for functions already devolved.
Continuous withholding of these funds is a major source of several crises affecting the counties.
Money for class D roads which are the responsibility of County governments has not been released, nor have the roads been gazetted to formally revert to counties.
We recognize that the country’s foreign policy is role national government. However, Counties are now major centres of investment, trade and other critical sectors of economy.
We feel their voices should be heard in determining the core foreign policy direction of the country. The best scenario would have been a bipartisan approach. That would have given us a chance to debate and resolve even non referendum issues, like the relationship between the legislature and the Executive.
There are a number of areas we have gone silent on. We have gone silent on the national values and principles of governance which include integrity and transparency.
Nobody is talking about Chapter Six of the Constitution which deals with Leadership and Integrity.
There is also concern about the exclusion of MPs and Senators from appointment as Cabinet ministers (or secretaries). MPs feel they are stuck in a dead-end job with no chance of rising unless one runs for President. They can’t be ministers however long they get elected.
We missed that chance because they bipartisan approach was never given a chance. I believe it is not too late.
Is it too early for a referendum to amend the constitution?
We say No. The test is not the timing but rather the necessity.
In the USA, the Constitution came into operation on 4th March 1789 and the First Amendment was sent to the States for ratification on September 25, 1789, barely six months later.
In fact negotiations for amendment were already underway even before the Constitution itself had been fully ratified.
The South African Constitution, from which ours borrows heavily, was first amended on 28th August 1997, also barely six month since it came into operation on 4th February 1997.
In its seventeen years of existence, the South African Constitution has been amended seventeen times.
They will tell you Americans did not go to the referendum.
Yes they did not go to the referendum but that was because the government opted for dialogue.
We, the People, must now roll our sleeves from here and reach every corner of our country, for the sake of our children and grandchildren.
Thank You.
Via  L'Emperor Jo

Wednesday, 24 September 2014

Making Devolution Work



There has been great rift between the devolved governments majorly involving the MCAs and governors. Where the former sees impeachment as the solution to every problem majorly involving money i.e. majorly not of beneficial to the citizens but for their selfish reasons
I tend to think that harmony in the working of a devolved unit will be the only solution to quicker and people related development.
With a positive look at extracts on Chapter eleven of our constitution, this thing is possible; harmony is the only thing lacking which is of paramount importance.

CHAPTER ELEVEN
DEVOLVED GOVERNMENT
Objects of devolution
174. The objects of the devolution of government are
a)      to promote democratic and accountable exercise of power;
b)      to foster national unity by recognizing diversity;
c)      to give powers of self-governance to the people and enhance the participation of the people in the exercise of the powers of the State and in making decisions affecting them;
d)     to recognize the right of communities to manage their own affairs and to further their development;
e)      to protect and promote the interests and rights of minorities and marginalized communities;
f)       to promote social and economic development and the provision of proximate, easily accessible services throughout Kenya;
g)      to ensure equitable sharing of national and local resources throughout Kenya;
h)      to facilitate the decentralization of State organs, their functions and services, from the capital of Kenya; and
i)        To enhance checks and balances and the separation of powers.
Principles of devolved government
175. County governments established under this Constitution shall reflect the following principles
a)      county governments shall be based on democratic principles and the separation of powers;
b)      county governments shall have reliable sources of revenue to enable them to govern and deliver services effectively; and
c)      No more than two-thirds of the members of representative bodies in each county government shall be of the same gender.
County governments
176. (1) there shall be a county government for each county, consisting of a county assembly and a county executive.
(2) Every county government shall decentralize its functions and the provision of its services to the extent that it is efficient and practicable to do so.
Removal of a county governor
181. (1) a county governor may be removed from office on any of the following grounds
a)      gross violation of this Constitution or any other law;
b)      where there are serious reasons for believing that the county governor has committed a crime under national or international law;
c)      abuse of office or gross misconduct; or
d)     Physical or mental incapacity to perform the functions of office of county governor.
(2) Parliament shall enact legislation providing for the procedure of removal of a county governor on any of the grounds specified in clause (1).
Functions of county executive committees
183. (1) a county executive committee shall
a)      implement county legislation;
b)      implement, within the county, national legislation to the extent that the legislation so requires;
c)      manage and coordinate the functions of the county administration and its departments; and
d)     Perform any other functions conferred on it by this Constitution or national legislation.
(2) A county executive committee may prepare proposed legislation for consideration by the county assembly.
(3) The county executive committee shall provide the county assembly with full and regular reports on matters relating to the county.
Legislative authority of county assemblies
185. (1) the legislative authority of a county is vested in, and exercised by, its county assembly.
(2) A county assembly may make any laws that are necessary for or incidental to, the effective performance of the functions and exercise of the powers of the county government under the Fourth Schedule.
(3) A county assembly, while respecting the principle of the separation of powers, may exercise oversight over the county executive committee and any other county executive organs.
(4) A county assembly may receive and approve plans and policies for—
a)      the management and exploitation of the county’s resources; and
b)      The development and management of its infrastructure and institutions.